Archive for March, 2007

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Adult Playground Proposed


2007
03.31

In an attempt to appease local residents and to ensure the safety of foreign visitors, the Riga mayor said Sunday he wants to construct a district designed specifically for Western tourists.

Located on the western bank of the Daugava river, the new district will feature a multi-purpose sports facility, several night clubs, public restrooms, and a brothel, according to the plans drafted from a tourism board of the mayor’s office.

A miniature version of the Old City and the Freedom Monument are planned as well. According to the mayor, a large fast-food corporation expressed an interest in a construction of a fast-food restaurant in the district.

“No tourist would be allowed to leave the area without proper authorization,” said mayor Janis Birks. “Likewise, no city resident would be able to enter the complex without proper authorization. That way, they won’t get beaten and they won’t defile our landmarks.”

Russian tourists would be banned from using the complex, according to the preliminary plans.

The city fathers say the cost for the construction is estimated at 100 million lats, but they say, the complex will pay for itself within a couple of years from admission fees, overpriced beverages, and taxes collected on brothel services.

The city would also offer medical services for girls working in the brothels. In turn, tourists will be able to safely enjoy party lifestyle without worrying about consequences.

“We’ll call this a tourist playground,” Birks said.

Tourists visiting this Baltic nation have suffered from being swindled, intimidated, and even beaten in nightclubs. At the same time, many in local media reported that some tourists display anti-social behavior. Earlier this year, a British tourist was charged with hooliganism for urinating near the Freedom Monument.

Since joining the EU in 2004, Latvia has seen an immense boom in tourist figures. The number of British visitors alone jumped from 20,000 in 2002 to over 85,000 in 2006, Bond said.

‘In 2006, out of 4.5 million visitors, tourists reported 840 cases in which they had been victims. Over the same period, eight criminal cases were launched against tourists, and 50 fines were imposed,’ said Ints Kuzis, head of Riga’s criminal police.

‘Two of the criminal cases involved Britons,’ he added.

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Russian Media Reacts: Dead Dockey’s Ears or Cooperation


2007
03.28

Two years ago, Russian President Vladimir Putin, answering a question about whether Latvia will gain its -Abrene- Pytalovo district responded with an interesting Russian adage.

“They’ll get a dead donkey’s ears, not Pytalovo District,” he said.

Komsomolskaya Pravda published a short piece about yesterday’s signing of the border treaty with a headline “Latvia received a dead donkey’s ears.”

In its editorial, Nezavisimaya Gazeta points out that Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Fradkov doesn’t trust his Latvian counterpart. Before the signing ceremony yesterday, Fradkov said, “We rely on the fact that the ratification of the border treaty will go without surprises or political makeweight.”

“Russia struggles with the relationships with its neighbors,” the newspaper pointed out. “All are complex. And the Baltic States are especially so because of their historical past. On one hand, Moscow declares it is interested in fence-mending with the Baltic states. On the other hand, Moscow doesn’t trust them. Real progress will depend on fundamental improvement of the political backdrop for negotiations, Moscow says under the nose of Latvian Prime Minister, which immediately, creates an unpleasant backdrop. The Kremlin toned down its criticism of infringement on the rights of Russians, placed diplomats in the background, and put ahead the Patriarch and Frankov. Enough, they thought.”

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Save this one for history books


2007
03.27

As it was expected, Latvia and Russia signed a border treaty Tuesday. Latvia’s Prime Minister Aigars Kalvitis and his Russian counterpart Mikhail Fradkov sealed the document with their signatures.

We noticed Kalvitis, a member of the People’s Party, wore a party-colored orange tie to commemorate the occasion. Nice, Mr. Prime Minister.

Fradkov hoped it would “permit the removal of a whole array of questions and bring relations to a new level,” according to the Associated Press.

At the same time, back in Riga, an uber-nationalist party Visu Latvijai (All for Latvia) brought welding equipment as a gift for Kalvitis to commemorate the occasion, which is drawing to a close a chapter of post-Soviet Latvian history.

“We offered welding equipment to the Big Man because we’re concerned about his future. To leave the political arena, Kalvitis must have other means to make a living,” Visu Latvijai chairman, boyish-looking, Raivis Dzintars told apollo.lv. “Very soon, Kalvitis will have to look for another place of employment,” said the leader of the party that received 13,469, or 1.48 percent, of the votes in the last election.

The party plans to appeal the treaty in the Constitutional Court.

Planning a court appeal is also Jaunais Laiks, or New Era Party, described incorrectly by some in the Russian media as “nationalist,” possibly because they oppose the border agreement. A candidate for the post of a party leader, Solvita Aboltina said the border agreement adjusts Latvia’s borders from what is specified in the Constitution, and therefore it should have been put on a referendum. Jaunais Laiks holds 15 seats in the Saeima and Aboltina said they will vote against the treaty ratification.

Here’s a photo gallery of the signing.

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Notes of a spy


2007
03.23

Introduction:

The following text was published in a Latvian weekly magazine Republika.lv on March 16. A magazine journalist Dainis Ozols tells a story about his trip to the East. The same trip that I’ve been considering to do since the debate over the border between Russia and Latvia sparked anew. Both countries are expected to sign the border agreement in a few days.

By Dainis Ozols
Poorly Translated from Latvian by Aleks

Without a permission from Russian authorities, a Republika’s journalist secretly arrived in Abrene. From the beginning to the end, this trip felt like a spy novel: Men in uniforms or civilian clothing could come in at any time and arrest anyone on suspicions of spying, or terrorism, especially if the terrorist with a camera is identified as an ambassador from the enemy camp. The trade of journalism in Russia, as we know, is in the high-risk category.

After lengthy debates the Latvia’s Saeima made a political decision to recall a unilateral declaration about Abrene. Because of the declaration, Russia refused to sign the border agreement. First of all, the point, of course, is not Abrene, but the 1920 Peace accord between Latvia and Russia, which placed Abrene inside the Latvian territory. The border agreement without a reference to Latvia’s legal succession makes it easier for Russia to fight back reproaches about Latvian occupation. Meanwhile, former Abrene lives its own life, and, if you arrive into the Russia’s Pytalovo province without a map marking the pre-war borders, you won’t be able to determine where Russia has always been and where Latvia was.

“Naconets Pytalovo!” (Finally, Pytalovo, in Russian) an unseen — but well-heard — neighbor in the train-cart’s adjoined compartment loudly sighed with relief.

“Abrene, ha ha!” he added sarcastically.

Our train just crossed the Latvian-Russian border and stopped for the Pytalovo passport check. After that, that same neighbor, probably feeling very brave, started to swear at the train attendant that his tea didn’t taste good (while we were traveling in Latvia, he asked a couple of times for another cup and didn’t complain). From tea, my traveling comrade quite logically moved to the topic of sugar production in Latvia (in his words, “Drove all the economy to collapse”) and so on. After Pytalovo next stop was Ostrov, where the train stopped for only two minutes. In Ostrov, I got out.

The goal of the trip was to prepare a report about Pytalovo, the former Abrene District, which before occupation belonged to Latvia. However, I traveled to Ostrov, a small Russian town, located 50 km (17 miles) northeast of Pytalovo. The ticket price one-way was 22.56 lats (about USD $45). A couple of years ago, in spite of all previously-obtained documents, Russian police expunged all materials collected by Latvian journalists in Pytalovo. The photographer and journalist working for the daily Diena were arrested and tried. Remembering this unfortunate incident, I, as it seemed to me, selected a safer route. I traveled to Ostrov, caught a car and with a promise of a little compensation, made my way to the Pytalovo province.

As I was preparing for the trip, I learned that last year, the Russian media covered substantially the decision of the chairman of the Russian Federal Security Service, concerning the so-called frontier security zone. Last summer, the frontier zone has been expanded from 5 km to 30 km. That means that anyone who wants to travel to the new half-closed zone must sign an application at the local office of the Federal security service stating the purpose of the trip. The application is usually considered in 30 days, but some posters on internet forums said that giving a little bribe can get you the permit within a week. Inside the zone, permits are being checked and those who do not have them can be detained for 30 days. On the official Pskov District home page, I learned that such Federal Security Service order exists and it applies to many places I planned to visit. But not all. Pytalovo itself, its main highway, and its outlaying areas were not mentioned in the directive.

The name of a driver, who agreed to take me to the Pytalovo Province, was Alexei. I explained to him that I wanted to travel and sightsee many historical buildings. In spite of my efforts to lure him into a conversation, he was quiet most of the time. I didn’t know whether he was naturally quiet, or he thought my interest in the province’s history was suspicious, but all his responses were predominantly about bad roads (roads in the countryside were practically impassible).

We stopped at the old Russian-Latvian border to take a look at a sombre gray bombed-out ruins, remainder from the last war. Near them, there was a bridge over the pre-war border river Utroya. When we were crossing Utroya, Alexei loudly exclaimed, “Oh, Mother Russia! You have neither roads, nor road signs!” During the whole trip, we rarely saw any people. Luckily, I brought with me a relatively precise road map of the Pskov District.

We arrived at Stekhna village. With great difficulties, the car started to climb an ice-covered hill. At the end of the hill, there were many farmers huts. The name of the place was Greshina Gora (or Sinners Hill). According to the information I obtained earlier from the Internet, a chapel should be somewhere nearby. I asked a man, whom I saw in a yard, with two furious and beautiful collies. I got out of the car, asked him, and immediately got back into the car, because both dogs jumped on me. It turned out the chapel along with the cemetery were located elsewhere, near a railroad station with a Latvian-sounding name Ritupe. (During the trip, I also saw a bus stop Stashi, other Latvian names I didn’t change.) Soon, we saw the chapel painted in cheery tones. With the way it looked, the chapel enlivened its monotonous surroundings. “I don’t understand who here can use the chapel, no one’s left to die,” wondered Alexei.

On the way to Pytalovo, we arrived in a small village, Vishgorodok (means a High Town, in the Latvian times, it was called Augspils, which means the same). When, in the 15th century, Pskov Republic fought off this piece of land from the Livonian Order, in 1476 here a fortress was built, which was burned during a later war with the Livonians. In the beginning of the 16th century, the Moscow Dukedom following a war, annexed the Pskov Republic, one of the last Russian lands, which up until then managed to preserve their independence from Moscow. But, because separatist ideas predominated among Pskov inhabitants and they were inclined against new Moscow rulers, a part of them was sent into exile to the near-border areas, including Vishgorodok. Since that times, this place has been inhabited.

One could see the Visgorodok’s church from afar, because it was located in the ridge of a highest hill. The church is built near the old cemetery gates. Here funerals take place constantly. Parked near the gates, many cars belonged to those visiting the cemetery. One of them was with a Latvian license plate.

From Vishgorodok to Pytalovo it’s only 10 kilometers, and I didn’t notice at which moment we arrived in Pytalovo. We arrived on the main drag through the city, called Krasnoarmeyskaya (Red Army street). On the street, there was a giant billboard with a United Russia logo and its slogan the President’s Party. Until then I thought that Russian president was at least formally without a party.

I said goodbye to Alexei near the Pytalovo railroad station (somewhere nearby the Latvian journalists were detained). For the whole service, he asked 700 roubles (14 lats, 26 USD), because we traveled 70 kilometers. When I offered a tip above the requested price, he thought for a little bit, took it and said, “As you like it.” And we parted.

I walked into a coffee shop near the station. Although it was a Saturday, lunchtime and many people were on out and about, the coffee shop was empty. I didn’t see any other coffee shops since then. The meal was delicious and service was courteous. For the meal, I paid 100 roubles (2 lats, or 3.50 USD). While I sat there, not a single person walked in.

I walked outside and started taking pictures not forgetting precautions. I tried to do that, so it would not look as if I was taking pictures in secret, if someone notices. I passed by boys who gathered near video games, the same kind that can be found in Latvia’s gambling casinos. In Pytalova, those machines stand outdoors like pay phones.

I stopped by a notice board to read advertisements. Two of them are worth mentioning. “Jobs. Construction specialists wanted for construction outside the city. Payment as follows: Advance payment once a half of the job is completed, the rest once the construction is finished.” The notice looked freshly laminated, however all phone numbers were already torn. “Dear citizens. Due to increase of cases of tuberculosis, we invite all to undergo a TB test, especially those who haven’t done it in the last two years.”

A couple of hours later, I walked around the city and every once in a while I tried quietly press my camera’s button. I was starting to think that my extreme caution is exaggerated, when suddenly a woman’s sharp voice behind me loudly asked me: “Tell me please, what are you taking a picture of?” I was taking a picture of a large school building. “A school,” I tried answering with a self-assured intonation in my voice. “Oh, the school…” To make my answer more believable, I took two pictures out in the open and calmly walked away. The woman remained in the same place and watched me leave. I understood that it was time to leave Pytalovo. That lady could have informed the authorities, whose cars constantly patrolled the streets, about my suspicious activities. Continuing to move slowly, I walked to the corner of the street, turned at the intersection and briskly walked to the railroad station. There, I took a taxi and went to Ostrov.

Out of my window I watched the election posters. Even though many parties participated in those elections, only two were advertised — United Russia and Fair Russia – newly formed political clone, whose task, together with United Russia, was to imitate a competition in a multi-party system.

While I had to free time before the train to Riga, I had a change to sightsee Ostrov, a beautiful ancient city with old churches (one of them is located on an island in the middle of a river). It is a city with a large tourism potential. On one side, Latvian as well as European Union border, on the other side, Pskov and St. Petersburg. Pytalovo province may earn well, once it builds infrastructure for transit tourism. But for now, only military uniforms are seen in both Ostrov and Pitalovo, after all a country nearby is a member of NATO.

On the train, I joined a fun company from St. Petersburg. At the border control, one of them asked, “What’s this station called, where we were pickled for so long?” A traveling companion looked out. “Pytalovo! What an appropriate name!” (A Russian derivative “pytat’” means “to torture.”) Both laughed because they heard this word for the first time. Russian city folk are little concerned with disagreement between Russia and Latvia in the question of the border.

What conclusions do we draw from this trip? In the former Abrene, there were almost none of Latvian names, no a single Latvian-speaking person. A gray city, quiet people, suspicious looks, that accompany a stranger. Was it really a Latvian territory in the past? Is it really necessary for us today?

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Problems


2007
03.19

The server has experienced some problems overnight and this morning (EDT) causing the Web site not to appear. Sorry for the inconvenience. We’re now back to normal.

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What’s politics without humor?


2007
03.18

With all that important hullabaloo over the arrest of Ventspils mayor Aivars Lembergs, we need not forget our sense of humor.

A Latvian blogger Onslovs who creates Photoshop caricatures on the political life in Latvia, posted this image on his V-Diena blog. It’s quite telling of the mood of the Latvian public when it comes to government (hat tip: Peteris).

My rough translation:

Attention!

Dear inmates. Our weekly walk on March 20 has been canceled. Everyone should gather in the prison hall where a remote official meeting of the government will take place. You will have an opportunity to meet face-to-face with ministers and have your questions answered.

The Administration

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Polling the Controversy


2007
03.18

In a national referendum on the future of the current Parliament, 44.3 percent of Latvian voters — who said they would vote — will vote for its dissolution, according to the data by Latvijas Fakti.

Nearly a quarter of the country’s residents would support dissolution of the current Saeima. Nearly a half of the residents said they would participate in a national referendum to dissolve the Parliament.

This is why the Government and the ruling parties are not interested in a referendum on this or any other issue.

According to the Constitution, the President can dissolve the Parliament.

The President of State shall have the right to propose the dissolution of the Saeima. This shall be followed by a referendum. If in the referendum more than one-half of the votes are cast in favour of dissolution, the Saeima shall be considered as dissolved and new elections shall be proclaimed. These elections shall take place within two months after the dissolution of the Saeima.

Upon dissolution of the Saeima, its members shall retain their powers until the newly-elected Saeima has assembled. The former Saeima may only assemble on being convened by the President of State. The agenda for such sittings shall be determined by the President of State.

If in the referendum the dissolution of the Saeima is opposed by more than one-half of the votes cast, the President of State shall be regarded as dismissed and the Saeima shall elect a new President of State for the remaining period of office of the President who has been dismissed.

The photo shows the Saeima building in the Old Riga

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It’s like reading the Soviet press


2007
03.16

History rears its ugly head every year on March 16. People to the East and the West of Latvia can understand remembering those who had been deported to Siberia. But remembering those who fought along side with the Nazis leaves a bad taste in their mouths.

And that’s all about what it is — perception. Last year under the public pressure, the authorities opened the Freedom Monument in Riga, which was surrounded by a 6-foot fence for restoration purposes, specifically to accommodate those who wished to commemorate March 16.

That day, I spoke to a couple of retirees who came to the monument in the heart of Latvia’s capital to lay a couple of flowers on its steps. They didn’t talk about SS, or the Nazis; they didn’t idolize the Nazi occupation of Latvia during World War II.

They came to remember.

They were not a part of the Visu Latvijai procession last year from the Occupation Museum to the Freedom Monument wrapped in the Latvian banners, led by the cross. Instead, they chose to stand by the monument, remembering their relatives, deported to Siberia or shot by the Soviets.

Peteris Cedrins, who has a better and a reasonable handle on the historic events than I do, writes:

“We’re quite accustomed to an annual scandal on March 16th, when a few surviving veterans of the Latvian Legion commemorate the sacrifices of Latvians who served in the Waffen-SS during the Second World War (it should be noted that not only ethnic Letts did so, by the way — for those who read Latvian or Russian, there is an article entitled “Latvia’s Russians on Hitler’s Side in the Battle Against Bolshevism” available here), most of them forcibly (and illegally) conscripted. The former Legionnaires, who never had any sympathy for Nazism and try to go about their memorial services solemnly, are lately outnumbered by loud Russophone radicals (including even Cossacks) and young Lettish extremists. Last year, in what many saw as a sign of post-Soviet repression, the Freedom Monument was fenced off to prevent clashes — this year, five groups of radically different persuasions have received permission to gather.

“March 16th is marked because it was the one occasion when both Latvian divisions fought side by side against the Soviets, in the Ostrov sector of the Eastern Front — otherwise, the Germans were careful to keep the Latvians apart. Not an official day of rememberance (in fact, the President advised true patriots to stay at home), it is nonetheless the focus not only of ragtag radical groups on both sides of the fence — it is an annual public relations débâcle diligently amplified by Moscow.”

And the debacle it is. Look at the Itar-Tass story written today. It smells of the Soviet-style journalism, twisting and turning events to suit the official purpose.

RIGA, March 16 (Itar-Tass) – Latvian extremist organizations are holding public rallies on the Waffen SS Latvian legion memory day that is not on the list of official dates of the country.

Russian-speaking antifascists will simultaneously hold actions to counter them. Local police are on the alert for preventing possible provocations.

The Riga Duma’s (legislature) commission for meetings, processions and pickets has given the extremists the permission to hold their events having in advance consulted the country’s security agencies. Last year, the Riga Duma banned any right radical organisations’ actions on the day and the country’s main monument of Freedom and the entire adjoining square were encircled by a two-metre high fence for the sake of avoiding mass riots. A year before that, the March 16 events ended in clashes between the extremists, police and representatives of local Russian-speaking antifascist organizations.

Two Latvian Waffen SS divisions were created by Germans in 1943. After Latvia’s separation from the USSR, March 16 was during several years an official memory date. However, after a procession of Waffen SS members in the centre of the city caused an extremely negative reaction both in Russia and in the West, the country’s leadership decided to cross it out from the list of memory dates.

Oh how thee lie and doth not blush.

1. “…the entire adjoining square were encircled by a two-metre high fence for the sake of avoiding mass riots..” Actually, because of the hullabaloo over the March 16 events last year, the Duma finally opened the fence to allow for some events.

2. “…The Riga Duma’s (legislature) commission for meetings, processions and pickets has given the extremists the permission to hold their events having…” What? The antifascists organizations were not given permission? Oh, wait, this means that the extremists should not have been given a permission. So the freedom of expression, the freedom of speech, the freedom of gathering concerns only those who support the official point of view of the Russian government, right? Any organization holding such a blasphemous event such as the events of March 16 ought to be banned, right?

And while Latvia may be losing the public relation battle of perception of being a Nazi supporter, it must be noted — as Peteris pointed out — that Latvia has gone far beyond in peacefully developing democratic and parliamentary principles than our neighbor to the East. Latvia has been ranked above the U.S. in press freedom mere 15 years since it gained independence from the Soviet Union. And while the radicals on both sides conduct their meetings and marches on this day, in the fall parliamentary elections, NSS, a Latvian radical group, received pithy 1,172 votes, or 0.13 percent, while Visu Latvijai, another political party, gained 13,469 votes, or 1.48 percent.

So much for the perception.

The photo taken today from apollo.lv.

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Fighting Corruption


2007
03.14

!/images/273t.jpg!

For once we get some good news from Latvia.

While I understand that everyone is innocent until proven guilty, I find it hard to believe that a man who’s been hiding the source of his immense wealth has a clear conscience.

You don’t have to be a whiz kid to know whom the President Vaira Vike-Freiberga described as “so-called oligarchs” when she delayed the publication of the amendments to the national security laws last week.

No one else could fit the mold better than the mayor of a sea port city of Ventspils and a close comrade of Latvian politicians, Aivars Lembergs.

He realized that, which is why he shifted to the offensive Monday, poo-pooing the President’s actions, and defending government’s adoption of the changes to the national security laws.

Police detained Lembergs, a controversial figure in Latvia, this morning and charged him with two counts of bribery, three counts of money laundering, and information falsification on an income declarations.

Today, perhaps, he will cry his arrest is a form of political prosecution. But who will listen?

The mayor of a major transit port for Russian oil, he has close ties with government politicians and is alleged to be the secret owner of a large part of the oil-transit business.

A judge at an arraignment hearing at the Center District Court in Riga tonight is deciding whether Lembergs should go to jail on the preliminary charges.

In the parliamentary elections last year, Lembergs was a candidate to the post of prime minister from the Union of Greens and Farmers.

The President and Prime Minister Aigars Kalvitis were informed of the events.

“There are heavy consequences for him not only personally, but also in connection with his professional work,” said the President.

From Wikipedia:

“Lembergs is among the wealthiest people in Latvia. The true extent of his wealth is unknown to public, because the ownership information of Venstpils companies is not publicly known. The estimates of his wealth by Latvian media range from 85 million to 230 millions euros. But, even his publicly known wealth is quite large. According to his income declaration, Lembergs’ 2005 income was 8.6 million lats (€12.3million).

“The details of how Lembergs accumulated his wealth are largely unknown. His past business partner, Ainars Gulbis, has accused Lembergs of obtaining a large share in their Kalija Parks company by threats to Gulbis and Kalija Parks. Lembergs is a subject of an on-going criminal investigation by Latvian authorities and was charged with bribery, money laundering and abuse of elected office on July 20, 2006.”

Taken in 2006, the photo reads “Lembergs Is Not a Thief,” a part of the mock advertising campaign in Riga last year.